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RT @GelecekGelin: بص يا صديقي لو مش متابع اللي بيحصل في العالم في آخر 24 ساعة فاتك كتير أوي . حرفيا 4 ضربات ورا بعض لأمريكا وإسرائيل في نفس اليوم، والنتيجة ممكن تغير خريطة السياسة كلها! تعالى ناخدها بالعكس، من التقيلة للأخف 👇 1- من كام ساعة بس 3 طيارات عسكرية سعودية وتركية وباكستانية نزلت في مطار مهرآباد في طهران. اللي قاعدين دلوقتي على ترابيزة واحدة: وزير الدفاع السعودي الأمير خالد بن سلمان، وقائد الجيش الباكستاني عاصم منير، ورئيس المخابرات التركية إبراهيم قالن، مع الرئيس الإيراني مسعود بزشكيان وأمين الأمن القومي محسن رضائي. الاجتماع تحت اسم "اتفاقية مكة للدفاع المشترك" وإيران بتقول عايزين نعمل منظومة أمن إقليمي داخلية من غير تدخل أجنبي، والسعودية بتقول هدفنا تهدئة وخفض تصعيد. يعني اللي كان مستحيل من سنة بقى بيحصل دلوقتي قدام عنينا. 2 - تمرد داخل جيش الاحتلال نفسه القناة 12 الإسرائيلية نفسها وبموافقة الرقابة العسكرية قالت قنبلة، قبل انتخابات الكنيست بـ 24 ساعة بس. رئيس الأركان إيال زامير جاله أمر مباشر من نتنياهو ينفذ ضربة كبيرة كانت هتولع مواجهة شاملة مع إيران ودولة عربية تانية. اللي حصل إن زامير رفض! وقاله بالنص مش هورط الجيش في حرب عشان تكسب انتخابات أو تهرب من المحاكمات، ولو عايز الضربة دي هاتلي تفويض مكتوب وموقع من الحكومة كلها تتحمل المسئولية. في إسرائيل دي مش خناقة عادية، ده زلزال. الجيش هو مصدر الشرعية هناك، ولما رئيس الأركان يطلع يتهم رئيس الوزرا انه بيستغل الدم لمصلحته الشخصية، فدي ضربة سياسية قاتلة لنتنياهو قبل الصناديق ما تفتح بساعات. 3 - صربيا.. الطلبة أسقطوا أهم حليف لنتنياهو في أوروبا القصة بدأت من سنتين بعد انهيار سقف محطة قطر في مدينة نوفي ساد ومات 16 واحد بسبب الفساد. شوية طلبة وشباب نزلوا الشارع وعملوا حاجة اسمها "قائمة الطلاب"، مفيهاش سياسيين محترفين، كلها دكاترة جامعة وممثلين ومزارعين، لفوا صربيا كلها على رجلهم وبالعجل. امبارح بالليل ألكسندر فوتشيتش اللي حاكم صربيا من 12 سنة بيد من حديد طلع بعد قفل الصناديق بساعة ونص وقال: "من الواضح أننا خسرنا هذه الانتخابات". الطلبة جابوا أكتر من 135 مقعد من 250! ليه دي ضربة لإسرائيل؟ لأن فوتشيتش ده كان من أكبر الداعمين لنتنياهو في أوروبا، ولسه في أبريل اللي فات كان عامل مشروع مشترك مع إسرائيل لتصنيع درونز عسكرية، ده غير مشاريعه مع ترامب. كله طار في ليلة واحدة. 1- البرازيل .. الجون اللي جه في الدقيقة 90 نيجي بقى للضربة الأكبر، في البرازيل أكبر دولة في أمريكا اللاتينية. من 2023 أمريكا وإسرائيل شغالين على خطة لتغيير وش القارة كلها ودعم صعود اليمين المتطرف عشان يبقوا حلفاء لهم، والعين كانت على البرازيل. السباق كان بين اتنين: لولا دا سيلفا 80 سنة، اللي بيسموه بطل الفقراء، اللي بدأ حياته مساح جزم وعامل مصنع واتسجن واتبهدل لحد ما بقى رئيس، ومعروف بعدائه الشديد للصهيونية وترامب ولبس الكوفية وقال على اللي بيحصل في غزة إبادة جماعية وسحب سفيره. وقدامه فلافيو بولسونارو ابن الرئيس السابق وأكبر حليف لترامب وإسرائيل هناك، واللي كسب أول جولة في أكتوبر اللي فات 47% مقابل 45% للولا، وكل الناس قالت خلاص لولا انتهى. ده غير إن إدارة ترامب كانت بتضغط اقتصاديا وتهدد بعقوبات لو لولا كسب، وميتا نفسها قللت وصول بوستاته لدرجة المحكمة العليا اتدخلت، وحتى في آخر ساعات الانتخابات عطلوا المواصلات العامة عشان الناس البسيطة متعرفش تنزل تصوت! اللي حصل كان معجزة بكل المقاييس. الناس نزلت تمشي على رجلها عشان تصوت. ولأول مرة في تاريخ البرازيل الحديث، اللي يخسر أول جولة يكسب الإعادة. لولا كسب 51.8% بفارق أكتر من 4 مليون صوت ورجع في ولاية رابعة. يعني في 24 ساعة بس: البرازيل قلبت على ترامب، صربيا وقعت حليف نتنياهو، جيش الاحتلال اتمرد على نتنياهو، وإيران قاعدة مع السعودية وتركيا وباكستان على ترابيزة واحدة! اللي جاي شكله مختلف تماما، وربنا يجعلها بداية نهاية الغطرسة !

RT @JoDemocracy: How Serbian Students Created the Largest Protest Movement in Decades

Sırbistanlı öğrencilerin seçim kazandıran programı burada!!! Üç slogan altında toplanan 11 maddelik bir programları var. Temel felsefeyi de şöyle özetlemişler: Yalnızca iktidardaki kişileri değiştirmek değil, siyasi gücün tekelleşmesine, devlet kurumlarının ve yurttaşların yaşamının iktidarın kontrolüne girmesine imkân veren kuralları değiştirmek. I. Slogan: "Ya Sırbistan ya mafya" Hedef: Yolsuzlukla mücadele, hesap verebilirlik ve bağımsız kurumlar 1-Bağımsız yargı: Mahkemeleri ve savcılıkları siyasi baskıdan kurtarmak; yolsuzlukları soruşturacak özel bir savcılık polisi kurmak. Polis teşkilatını organize suç bağlantılarından arındırmak. 2-Haksız kazanılmış servete el koyma: Kamu görevlilerinin mal varlıklarını araştırmak; yolsuzlukla edinilen servetleri geri almak. Görevini kötüye kullanan ve insan haklarını ihlal eden kamu görevlilerini hesap vermeye zorlamak. 3-Şeffaf kamu ihaleleri: Devlet sözleşmelerini ve ihaleleri kamuoyuna açmak; özellikle gizli anlaşmaları ve yüksek maliyetli altyapı projelerini denetlemek. 4-Özgür medya: Kamu yayıncılığını ve medya düzenleme kurumunu siyasi denetimden kurtarmak; ayrımcılık ve nefret söylemiyle mücadele etmek, yayın lisanslarını yeniden düzenlemek. II. Slogan: "Bilgi güçtür" Hedef: Liyakat, eğitim ve bilgiye dayalı ekonomi 5-Kamuda liyakat: Siyasi kadrolaşmaya son vermek; kamu kurumlarının ve şirketlerinin yönetimine partiye sadık kişileri değil, uzmanları getirmek. 6-Eğitim reformu: Eğitimi siyasetten arındırmak, eleştirel düşünmeyi ve çağdaş eğitimi geliştirmek; ilk ve ortaöğretimde ücretsiz ders kitabı sağlamak. 7-Bilgiye dayalı üretim: Üniversitelerle üretim dünyasını buluşturmak; araştırmayı, yenilikçiliği, yerli girişimcileri ve çiftçileri desteklemek. Ucuz işgücüne dayalı ekonomik modelden uzaklaşmak. III. Slogan: "Sırbistan bizimle büyüyor" Hedef: Çalışma hayatı, ekonomik bağımsızlık ve sosyal haklar 8-İş güvencesi: Belirli süreli iş sözleşmelerinin azami süresini 24 aydan 12 aya indirmek; çalışanların güvencesizliğini azaltmak. 9-Tekellerle mücadele ve gıda güvenliği: İthalat lobisinin piyasa üzerindeki hâkimiyetini kırmak; tarım arazilerini ve su kaynaklarını korumak. 10-Ulaşılabilir konut: Genç aileler, öğretmenler ve sağlık çalışanları için uygun fiyatlı kiralık ve satın alınabilir konutlar sağlamak. 11-Her köye doktor: İlaç fiyatlarını düşürmek, kırsaldaki sağlık merkezlerini yeniden açmak ve ülkenin her bölgesinde temel sağlık hizmetlerine erişimi sağlamak.

El que abraza a Lula es @AndreJanonesMG el diputado que con un canal de WhatsApp rompió el bloqueo de Meta y las otras empresas tecnológicas, y cambió la campaña después de la derrota en primera vuelta. Hijo de una empleada domestica y un padre discapacitado, se pagó su carrera de abogado trabajando como cobrador de pasajes en los buses. Su canal de WhatsApp (donde creó el “Ejército de Lula) pasó de 50 mil personas en primera vuelta a 10 millones para la segunda. Sin el trabajo de Janones no hay remontada, Lula lo sabe y por eso el reconocimiento de ayer. Como anécdota, fue quien convenció a Lula de finalmente usar teléfono celular, un iPhone. Ahhh y reivindicó la camiseta de la selección Brasil para la campaña, de la que se había apropiado el bolsonarismo.

Serei eternamente grato ao povo brasileiro. Cada gesto de confiança, cada voto e cada passo dado em defesa da democracia valeram a pena. A emoção dessa caminhada fortalece a certeza de que ainda temos muito a construir juntos. Essa vitória não é um ponto de chegada, mas a renovação do nosso compromisso com o Brasil, com a justiça social, a soberania e a esperança de um futuro melhor para todos. A caminhada continua, com compromisso com o nosso povo ainda mais forte. Muito obrigado, Brasil! Essa vitória é nossa!

Serbia’s students have won. When we interviewed them for our @democ_journal article with @pelinamus, they told us they would stay away from opposition parties ("they are all the same") and build their own list to beat Vučić. And they just did it! 🔗

RT @FT: With an energetic online push and social giveaways, Brazil’s president reignited his campaign between the first and second rounds.

RT @clashreport: Brazilian President Lula: We will teach more mathematics, more engineering, because I don't want to remain dependent on Chinese or American artificial intelligence. I want to create a Brazilian one.

RT @jeremycorbyn: Congratulations to President Lula on a stunning, historic re-election. A political comeback that will be remembered for generations to come. This is a victory for the people, for the planet and for peace.

RT @sciencekonek: #SciNews 𝗔𝗥𝗘 𝗪𝗘 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗟𝗔𝗦𝗧 𝗚𝗘𝗡𝗘𝗥𝗔𝗧𝗜𝗢𝗡 𝗧𝗢 𝗦𝗘𝗘 𝗙𝗜𝗥𝗘𝗙𝗟𝗜𝗘𝗦? 𝗦𝗖𝗜𝗘𝗡𝗧𝗜𝗦𝗧𝗦 𝗦𝗔𝗬 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗧𝗥𝗨𝗧𝗛 𝗜𝗦 𝗠𝗢𝗥𝗘 𝗖𝗢𝗠𝗣𝗟𝗘𝗫 Fireflies may not disappear anytime soon, but declining insect biodiversity and limited scientific data raise concerns about their future. A University of Georgia Cooperative Extension study starts that more than 2,400 firefly species have been described worldwide, yet many remain poorly studied. A North American assessment found that 18 species, or 14% of those assessed, were threatened with extinction, while 53% lacked sufficient data to determine their conservation status. Fireflies face multiple pressures, including habitat destruction, artificial lighting, pesticide use, poor water quality and climate change. Their larvae depend on moist soil, making changing weather conditions particularly concerning. Experts recommend planting native vegetation, preserving leaf litter, limiting pesticides and reducing outdoor lighting to help protect fireflies and other insects. #firefly #habitatloss #climatechange

RT @MisbahQasemi: Lula's reelection in Brazil is not just a domestic victory. It is the single biggest geopolitical defeat the US empire has suffered in Latin America in decades. Here is what was actually at stake: The Resources: Brazil holds the world's second-largest rare earth reserves — nearly a quarter of the global supply. The US military-industrial complex is desperate for these minerals to break its dependence on China. The Bolsonaro dynasty was ready to hand them over. A US government-linked company already bought Brazil's only active rare earth mine from Bolsonaro-aligned oligarchs for $2.8 billion. They wanted Petrobras privatized next. Lula said no. These are our minerals. We will build our own economy. Palestine: Lula lost a finger in a factory at 17. He is the working class. The Bolsonaros are the landlords, the oligarchs, and the cheerleaders of settler colonialism. They waved Israeli flags at their rallies. They held Zoom calls with Netanyahu on stage. They posed with a map of Israel colonizing ALL of historic Palestine — Gaza, the West Bank, the Golan Heights. Lula stands with Palestine and calls the genocide what it is. The Multipolar World: Lula co-founded BRICS. He is building parallel financial systems to bypass the weaponized US dollar. He called for a new global reserve currency. He wants Latin America to trade in its own currency, free from Washington's sanctions. The empire cannot tolerate a continent that refuses to pay rent in dollars. So how did Washington respond to a sovereign democratic choice? Trump slapped Brazil with 50% tariffs — even though the US has a trade SURPLUS with Brazil. The tariffs were never economic. They were punishment. Meta censored Lula's accounts and boosted Bolsonaro. The Bolsonaro campaign hired a US AI company to spread disinformation. Eduardo Bolsonaro literally called on Trump to send the US military to attack the Brazilian government. They threw everything at him. Tariffs. Censorship. Disinformation. Coup attempts. And they still lost. The American empire tried to enforce the Monroe Doctrine with algorithms, tariffs, and a puppet dynasty. But the Brazilian working class just voted to keep their minerals, defend Palestine, and build a world where Washington doesn't get to decide who eats. You can tariff the economy. You can censor the candidate. You can beg for a military coup. But you cannot colonize a people who have already decided they belong to themselves.

RT @raulgaab: Congratulations to Serbia’s students! 🇷🇸✊ May their extraordinary movement inspire young protesters worldwide to turn frustration into action and build new political alternatives in the fight for freedom and democracy. Want to know how it all began? Watch Wake up, Serbia! Pumpaj: The Student Uprising 🎬 WATCH & SHARE

RT @ChathamHouse: What does Lula’s unexpected victory mean for Brazil’s democracy and economy? How will foreign policy develop on the US and China? What does the result mean for the Bolsonaro family and Brazil? Chatham House experts provide their early analysis on Brazil's historic presidential election, with: ▪️@ChrisSabatini ▪️@VRubioMarquez ▪️@binettibruno ▪️Luis Miguel Castilla Early analysis | |

RT @ShaykhSulaiman: BRAZIL PRESIDENT LULA EXPOSING THE TRUTH: “The invasion of Iraq was a LIE. Where are the weapons of mass destruction that Saddam Hussein supposedly had? They were never found. The invasion by France and England in Libya was another LIE that caused enormous damage at that moment in our history. The invasion and the genocide carried out by Israel in Gaza is another very big LIE And now the bombing of Israel against Lebanon on what pretext? And now the invasion by the United States against Iran on what pretext?”

RT @rosamst_: HISTÓRICO! Claudia Sheinbaum, presidente do México, inicia sua coletiva de imprensa saudando a vitória do presidente Lula, faz o L e manda um recado a Trump e ao imperialismo americano: “É um sopro de ar fresco para a América Latina e o Caribe.” Espalhe esse video!

Lula stopped schooling after Grade 2 in order to work as a street vendor. One of the most remarkable political biographies, and a rebuke to those who feel that holding elected political office requires a minimum educational requirement.

RT @d_pavlovic: HOW STUDENTS DEFEATED VUČIĆ WITHOUT PLAYING HIS GAME In yesterday's early parliamentary elections in Serbia, the Student List, a political movement initiated by university students in December 2024, defeated Aleksandar Vučić's Serbian Progressive Party by 51 percent to 39 percent. The outcome presents an analytical puzzle. The incumbent commanded all the traditional instruments of political survival: public finances, state institutions, a nationwide patronage apparatus, and fourteen years of accumulated power. The students possessed neither financial resources nor clientelistic networks, no leader, and had no prior electoral experience. Yet they defeated the regime without adopting its methods. I explain this outcome in five points. 1. The Accumulation of Discontent The students' victory did not come out of nowhere. They inherited more than a decade of growing discontent with Vučić, which had repeatedly erupted into public protests but had never produced political change. Vučić assumed power in 2012 by mobilizing widespread resentment against post-communist transition reforms that took place in 2001-2012. Over time, this dissatisfaction inverted. By 2016, the former incumbents (now in opposition) had lost credibility, prompting voters to search for alternatives and new agents. This dynamic produced a sequence of political new agents whose electoral appeal consistently deteriorated. Each initially raised hopes of political change, but these hopes faded as some newcomers undermined themselves while others struggled to compete in an increasingly unequal political environment. Meanwhile, Vučić had transformed Serbia's already weak democracy into a hybrid regime with increasingly authoritarian features. Control over state institutions, public resources, and much of the media allowed him to compensate for declining popular support, weaken the opposition, and maintain his hold on power. Simultaneously, anti-regime sentiment manifested in successive waves of street protests, recurring roughly every 18 months on average. Each wave mobilized more people than the previous one, but each eventually subsided without achieving political change. (Similar dynamics was seen previosuly in Poland in 2015-2023.) Growing mobilization was thus accompanied by growing disappointment. Dissatisfaction with Vučić continued to accumulate, while confidence in the possibility of removing him gradually declined. By 2024, many voters had also lost faith in traditional opposition parties, which they perceived as part of the same clientelistic system. Increasingly convinced that political change was impossible, many withdrew from electoral politics altogether. 2. Overcoming the Coordination Dilemma Discontent alone is insufficient to defeat an incumbent. Voters must also believe that others will support a viable alternative. Before the students emerged, many dissatisfied citizens abstained because they considered Vučić unbeatable and the opposition incapable of replacing him. Their expectations reinforced the very outcome they feared. Beginning with university occupations in December 2024, mobilization culminated on March 15, 2025, when roughly 300,000 people gathered in Belgrade, in what was arguably the city's largest political demonstration since its liberation from German occupation in 1944. The event revealed the scale of opposition and, more importantly, made it visible to everyone. For the first time, many voters saw an alternative capable of defeating Vučić. Whether they identified with the students' political views became secondary. What mattered was their shared opposition to the incumbent and their belief that others would support the same alternative. The students had become a focal point for electoral coordination. 3. Clean Hands, No Ambition for Office The students differed from previous opposition movements in another crucial respect: they were politically clean. Many established opposition politicians were widely perceived as belonging to the very clientelist system they claimed to oppose. The students, by contrast, were simply too young to have developed or joined such networks. They had no history of political deals, public appointments, or access to state resources. In a system defined by patronage, their lack of political experience became their greatest strategic advantage. What followed was even more remarkable. When in May 2025 the students demanded early parliamentary elections, they imposed an unusual condition: no student could appear on their electoral list. The implicit message was clear: we want to remove the incumbent without taking his place. It was not about privileges, but about the system itself. This was a striking departure from conventional party politics, where parties seek power primarily to secure office and spoils for their leaders. When the students finally submitted their list of 250 candidates, not a single one was a student, let alone a member of the student movement. By refusing to seek office themselves, the students made their promise to change the system more credible. This commitment appealed to voters on both the left and the right, including those disappointed by successive opposition failures and those who had withdrawn from electoral politics altogether. The breadth of this appeal was reflected in turnout of approximately 70 percent, with roughly 600,000 more people voting than in December 2023. Their self-denial did the trick. 4. Vučić Became Culturally Obsolete The students' appeal was not simply that they were politically clean. They were also young, mostly in their late teens and early twenties. Like every generation, they had their own culture, their own values, and their own understanding of what was acceptable, desirable, or simply cool. What Vučić (and not only him) represented did not belong in it. For them, Vučić was culturally obsolete. He represented a political world with which they no longer wanted to identify: patronage, clientelism, corruption, informal deals, and a system in which personal connections and political loyalty mattered more than education, competence, or merit. This was simply not their thing. The movement attracted and mobilized an extraordinary number of young people who saw Vučić as culturally irrelevant, in much the same way Vučić himself had mobilized voters resentful of post-communist transition reforms in 2012. This attitude gradually spread beyond their generation. Older voters who had long grown dissatisfied with Vučić, but had repeatedly failed to find a credible alternative, began to identify with the students' rejection of his political culture. With this cultural innovation, the students changed the terms of political competition. Vučić could promise higher wages, offer young people subsidized apartments, or distribute cash benefits, but these traditional instruments had little effect on people who no longer wanted to belong to the political world he represented. It was precisely this system of corrupt clientelism and vote buying that they fought against. 5. It Wasn't the Economy, Stupid! The explanations above emphasize what was unusual about the students' victory. But several more conventional factors also contributed to Vučić's defeat. Demographic change gradually weakened his electoral base, which relied heavily on pensioners, while younger voters constituted a core constituency of the student movement. Between the previous election and October 2026, approximately 270,000 people died, mostly elderly, while around 170,000 young people completed secondary school. The students also adopted a catch-all approach, attracting both pro-European liberals and nationally oriented conservatives who had previously supported different opposition parties. The students also developed a different form of political organization. Instead of relying on patronage, financial incentives, and centralized party structures, they mobilized thousands of volunteers who contributed their time and energy without expecting personal rewards. Their motivation was arguably stronger than that of many members of Vučić's political machine. Political commitment thus became an alternative to the material incentives on which conventional party organizations depend. Just as the students mobilized without material rewards, Vučić was defeated without an economic crisis. Authoritarian incumbents often become vulnerable when economic conditions worsen, as illustrated by Orbán's Hungary in April 2026. Ironically, Serbia was different. Over the preceding five years, the economy did well: living standards had risen, unemployment remained relatively low, real wages and pensions had increased, and the currency was stable. 6. Conclusion Ultimately, the Serbian election was not merely a contest between political alternatives, but between two fundamentally different ways of organizing politics. The Serbian experience challenges conventional assumptions about the resources necessary to defeat an entrenched incumbent. The fact that a loosely organized, decentralized movement with meager financial resources, no leader (!), no clientelistic networks, and no political experience managed to defeat a powerful clientelistic political machine will become an important subject of scholarly research. The Serbian case will be taught at universities in comparative politics and political economy courses and discussed in academic articles and books.

”The opposition does not win elections. It is governments that lose them.“ Now if you don’t know if you are opposition or admin, you have a huge problem!

At the other side of the globe…youth takes over!

Before another injury to the taxpayers is made, I hope the Senate version of the GAA 2027 will calm the storms. Those who decided to parcel out huge allocations in the GAB need to be exposed and called out. This time around the Senate should toe the line of transparency and accountability. #GAA2027 #ProPH

Yo, its Lula and not what we know!

Não passarão

The role of WhatsApp and Social Media as well as the art of breaking the algorithm of Meta

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We continue to learn…

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