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We did a call-in show—about the massive amounts of money flooding 2026 elections—with KALW Public Media in the Bay Area. Stream our hour-long segment:

House Dems’ Super PAC Attacks Republicans Over Data Center Money While Taking Millions From the Industry

RT @donnydonny: House Dems’ Super PAC Attacks Republicans Over Data Center Money While Taking Millions From the Industry

NEW: House Democrats’ super PAC is attacking Republicans for taking data center cash while raising millions from the industry’s builders and investors.

RT @ppolitics: The dark money network of the world's largest donor paid to get a candidate on state ballots in 2024. New from @donnydonny:

Our story on Musk's dark money networking is trending today. Subscribe to get all our scoops:

RT @mjbeckel: Great scoop by @Sludge: How Elon Musk secretly helped bankroll the effort to get Cornel West on the ballot in 2024 👇

NEW: The group behind Cornel West's 2024 ballot push was wholly funded through Elon Musk's dark money network, according to Sludge's review of tax documents.

RT @donnydonny: I have a new article on Musk network antics in 2024, as the paper trillionaire continues spending massive amount on elections in 2026.

RT @donnydonny: NEW: AIPAC gave $400,000 to a dark money group that spent millions in Republican congressional primaries and now faces a complaint for illegally concealing its donors. The donation appears in AIPAC’s latest tax filing:

RT @Sludge: NEW: AIPAC’s super PAC, United Democracy Project, paid Democratic firms Impact Research and GQR $53,300 on Oct. 13 for polling and research, according to a pre-general FEC filing released today, as UDP spends to defeat Democratic Senate nominee Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan.

Both firms have also been paid this cycle by the DSCC and the Schumer-aligned Senate Majority PAC. Democratic firms have collected more than $7 million from United Democracy Project and its ally DMFI since 2021. Read our report:

AIPAC just made our job harder, but we’re not stopping. Yesterday, AIPAC informed its members that it is ending its candidate endorsements and will no longer be earmarking donations through its PAC as it has since 2022. It’s not hard to see why. AIPAC told its members that this cycle has been one of the most challenging it’s faced. Its money has become a liability, and a growing number of Democrats, including some reliably pro-Israel ones like Cory Booker, have said they won’t take it. Part of what drove that backlash is that the money was public: every AIPAC earmark showed up in FEC records, and we’ve been turning those records into lists of what AIPAC gave every member of Congress. But AIPAC isn’t asking its members to stop giving. It’s asking them to give directly to the candidates its staff recommend, which means the donations will no longer be tagged with AIPAC’s name in public records. Its leaders also said it plans to “utilize new tools to help our friends win,” without saying what those tools will be. And its super PAC, United Democracy Project, will continue spending to defeat candidates it deems anti-Israel. We’ve already seen how AIPAC works when it doesn’t want its name on something. We reported on the pro-choice super PAC in Massachusetts funded by a group whose biggest outside donor was AIPAC’s super PAC, the AIPAC-tied groups that put millions into Illinois primaries largely from undisclosed sources, and the dark money network with AIPAC ties that ran attack ads against Graham Platner in Maine. Tracking money that’s been routed to hide where it came from is a major focus of what we do. AIPAC was the largest PAC contributor to federal candidates last cycle, and together with its super PAC it spent nearly $127 million on the 2024 elections. This year its super PAC spent more than $30 million on a single Democratic primary in Michigan, and for the second cycle in a row the group has surpassed $100 million in spending. All that money comes with an agenda: AIPAC lobbies Congress for billions of dollars a year in military aid to Israel, and a lot of its giving goes to lawmakers on the committees that decide that funding. AIPAC spent decades staying out of direct campaign giving, then launched a PAC in late 2021. We covered its first donations in February 2022 and have published dozens of stories on AIPAC’s money since. With the earmarks gone, this work gets more complex. We’ll keep matching earmark donors against new campaign filings, tracing the vendors AIPAC’s super PAC uses, like the Democratic Party pollsters we reported on earlier this month, tracking the pop-up PACs it sets up to keep its name off ads, and watching for whatever “new tools” the group starts using. That’s where we need your help. Sludge is a small nonprofit newsroom, and work like this, hours in FEC data for a single story, is paid for by readers who subscribe. If you’ve ever shared one of our AIPAC stories or looked up your own member of Congress on our lists, please subscribe now. It’s the most direct way to make sure we can keep following this money as AIPAC makes it harder to do so. ➡️ Thanks for reading, and for helping keep this going!

RT @ppolitics: New Dems (@NewDemCoalition) are grabbing corporate cash, and having staffers fly to meetings with companies like Amazon and Oracle, through fundraiser Helen Milby's network. Wonder who they'll be listening to next year.

RT @Sludge: NEW: Helen Milby raises money for House Democrats’ largest ideological bloc. She also runs a nonprofit bringing Big Tech executives into private meetings with congressional staff and advises a tech industry group seeking to shape the party’s AI agenda.

AIPAC announced Wednesday it will shutter its PAC and shift to a less transparent way of steering money to Congress. Its members will no longer route contributions through AIPAC PAC, which disclosed AIPAC as the conduit to the FEC, and are being urged to give directly instead.

AIPAC’s PAC and UDP had combined for more than$104M in 2026 election spending as of our August count.

AIPAC’s money isn’t going away, but it will get harder to see. We'll keep tracking it: matching AIPAC’s past earmarks against FEC reports, following UDP and its pass-throughs, and publishing what we find. Please follow and subscribe to support our work: